Britain's Tories want to copy the CBO model.
It's a dead certainty that the Tories will be re-elected.
This "differentiation" began when Mr Clegg seized an unmissable chance to rough up the Tories over a botched health reform.
But the incumbent is standing down, and polls suggest a fight between the Tories and the Greens.
Indeed, a specific aim was to introduce more rigour and transparency into a system the Tories believed had been undermined by Mr Blair's casual approach.
His two rivals are appalled (refreshingly for the Tories, one of them, Ruth Davidson, is a lesbian kick-boxer); various big donors are threatening to cut their contributions if Mr Fraser gets his way.
The Tories' timing is canny.
Mr Cameron set out to rebrand the Tories as kinder and greener. It worked.
Some Lib Dems, and indeed some Tories, believe that the most likely result in 2015 is a repeat of 2010: a hung Parliament in which the Tories are the biggest party.
Many Tories have long yearned to tame theBBC, which they think is riddled with liberal bias, and now scent theirmoment.
I hope I'm wrong and Clegg really will tame the Tories—but I'm braced for this movie turning into One Shotgun Wedding and A Bloody Long Funeral.
The very word has an unhappy ring in Britain: just now, lots of Lib Dem voters feel compromised by coalition with the Tories, and not in a good way.
It has worked. The Tories are now as trusted as Labour on health.
On balance, the Tories are probably right to return day-to-day supervision to the Bank of England.
In private, Tories gloat that the process may take perhaps 20 seats off Labour and all in the name of fairness.
Even Wales, a Labour heartland, was lost to the Tories.
The Tories will have to supply a more comprehensive prospectus than they have so far.
Others say the Tories may do better to rely on their established strengths: their reputation for economic management and Mr Cameron's prime-ministerial qualities.
One is simply that the Tories are against it.
Meanwhile, the Tories’ hostility towards him betrayed an intolerance of dissent, with some hotheads privately pledging to depose Mr Bercow if, as expected, the Tories win the next general election.
Even if they lose MPs (and many of their southern ones are vulnerable to the Tories), they need only hang on to third place for Mr Clegg to remain kingmaker-in-waiting.
Since the advent of Thatcherism, Tories had not questioned the power of rational incentives to shape human behaviour; hence their implicit trust in the market.
Gut feeling tells many Britons the Tories are best-suited to this job.
The Tories are expected to win next year's British election.
Keeping the records of those who have done nothing wrong undermines the traditional presumption of innocence, the Tories say.
But while other Tories may have only a limited role in projecting the party message, at least at a national level, they have a bigger, negative capacity to inflict embarrassment and harm on the cause.
After rebranding themselves as a party that could see beyond the market to social and environmental concerns, the Tories have had to re-rebrand themselves as sober stewards of a ruined economy.
